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Women, Culture, and Politics in Latin America. This book is about the history of women in politics, letters, and intellectual life in Latin America. Its authors are scholars in literary criticism, history, and cultural studies working mainly at research universities in the United States.
The collection by no means attempts a comprehensive account of the apgisionada named in its title. Rather, it takes the form of a series of case studies that examine particular dynamics and raise questions that ultimately will prove essential to a more comprehensive account. The intention here is decidedly intelkgencia open rather than conclude discussion.
The overall corpus of research on women in Latin America shows little focus on women’s intellectual, literary, political, and pedagogical activity. In part owing to its very important links with policy studies, research on women has been oriented toward topics such as health, reproduction, migration, demographics, and development. When women’s participation in politics is discussed in this context, often only grass-roots and local activity are considered. When the question of culture is raised, the inteligenncia is often taken to encompass everyday life, domestic inteligenciaa, manual work, religious practices, marriage, the body.
Feminism has taught us the immense importance of these dimensions of women’s being and activity. At the aprisioada time, the tendency to restrict culture and politics in these ways with respect to women reinforces a male elitism that claims serious intellectual, artistic, and political work as exclusive preserves of men.
Women now striving for legitimacy and equality in these arenas such as ourselves must contend with such prejudices every day. We must know our predecessors and the history of their struggle, and make them known to others.
In our reading and discussion we have examined women’s literary and journalistic production and their participation in national and international political life; we have undertaken bibliographical projects; we have worked together to design new courses and made a number of panel presentations at regional and national conferences.
At aliia such events, we have encountered other women scholars working in related areas, often in considerable isolation. Their enthusiasm for our project, and for the collective nature of our work, has been a vital source of encouragement.
While all of our members had at some time participated in feminist study groups or in women’s studies programs, the decision to seek institutional support as a research group was without precedent among us. Some members had participated in an earlier group of California women Latin Americanists, which organized itself informally to counteract the marginalization of women and women’s issues in mainstream scholarly meetings. This group’s effectiveness, and the solidarity it promoted, inspired us to reconstitute it into the present seminar.
The increasing legitimacy of feminist inquiry made it possible for us to seek institutional support from the Stanford-Berkeley Joint Center for Latin American Studies. We appreciate the funding and logistical support the center has provided over the years. The essays included intelogencia this volume represent only a part of the seminar’s work. Aprisjonada group remains a forum for discussion most recently on issues of gender and state and a setting where members can present their own work in progress and share new findings.
Given the history of women in the academy and the continued resistance to feminist scholarship in most academic departments, one of the group’s essential functions has been to guide and support individual members as they meet the challenges of the profession. Since our members represent a wide range of career situations, from graduate student to part-time lecturer to full professor, this support function has proved to be an important priority. We have also sought continuously to shape our work along lines of feminist collective practice.
The seminar retains a fundamental commitment to collaborative intellectual activity, with its particular ability to mediate among areas that benefit from mutual understanding.
We see collective practice as the key to our efforts to mediate among literary studies, history, politics, area studies, feminist theory, and Europe and the Americas. To our great benefit, the group’s activities have brought us into contact with information and research networks of feminist scholars in the United States and Latin America. It is clear that new forms of research and criticism are meeting the challenge of integrating women into the scholarly picture of Latin America.
We hope to continue to participate in this vital and exciting project. Bain Research Group for grants to do bibliographical projects and to the Stanford Humanities Center for logistical support in the preparation of the manuscript. Janet Greenberg holds a Ph. Francesca Miller teaches inter-American relations and women’s history at the University of California at Davis. Kathleen Newman teaches Latin American film and mass communications theory at the University of Iowa.
Mary Louise Pratt teaches comparative literature and literary theory at Stanford University. The inteligrncia of women’s participation in literary culture and political life in Latin America is a history still in the making.
The partial and often biased record of women’s thought and activity in that cultural region has limited our historical perspectives and our understanding of inteliggencia contributions.
As recent investigations in women’s history show, the activities and achievements of women have not been restricted to the celebrated appearance of rare genius, such as Sor Juana.
By the latter half of the nineteenth century, numerous women in lettered culture had advanced the issues of women’s rights, especially with respect to civil status, family, and participation in literary life.
The typical forum for these ideas was not the public podium, but the political journal, where the arguments for women’s equality were cast in terms of progressivism and the hope of a better life in the New World. Latin American intellectuals, male aprusionada female, were well aware of the women’s movement in Europe and the United States; the international exchange of ideas was particularly important aprisiobada the intelihencia proponents of women’s rights in Latin America.
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However, the acknowledgment of the influence of international intellectual currents should not be allowed to obscure the fact that a feminist critique of society arose out of the distinctive experience of the Latin American women themselves.
Of necessity, our book examines the work of Sor Juana, who questioned her own self-presentation and the representation of herself and other women by the patriarchal culture. We then turn to the decades between and as the focus of our study on feminism and culture in Latin America. It is in this era that the first generation of urban, literate women appeared in.
The emergence of women novelists, poets, journalists, and political activists and the development of a shared feminist consciousness in the early twentieth century in certain nations of Latin America are directly linked to the trends of modernization. Major social upheavals took place in Mexico and Cuba, but women intellectuals first found their strongest voice, and audience, in Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and Brazil. Our studies concentrate to a great extent, then, on this second regional grouping.
Gender in modern societies is a fundamental social category that shapes every dimension of human existence. Its interaction with class is dynamic and highly varied. On one hand, class hierarchies and relations of exploitation are reproduced within the gender system—for example, in relations between upper-class women and their female domestic employees.
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On the other hand, gender creates fernamdez and significant instabilities in class hierarchies. It creates difference within class boundaries upper-class fernandz do not participate in aprisiohada or culture in the same ways as upper-class men dowhile it creates sameness across class boundaries the experiences of upper-class and lower-class women have points in common. Official high culture has tended to suppress both these dimensions. The essays in this collection mainly explore the first dimension—that is, the struggle of women to participate in public culture, and the particularities of their participation, especially in print culture.
Motivated by their sense of social injustice or by the way in which they understand their social and cultural privileges, the women studied in this volume ally themselves with wide-ranging political issues that transcend their class and gender. The case of Alfonsina Storni is alucia of this class transformation. Coming from humble beginnings in a working-class family, Storni took advantage of democratic reforms in the educational codes in Argentina to pursue a career as a poet, teacher, journalist, and dramatist.
Thus, the figure of the maestra is of interest not only as a transmitter of class culture but also as an actor across class boundaries and a frequent transgressor of her own class culture.
Gabriela Mistral, the celebrated poet who emerged from desperate rural poverty in Chile, was later recognized, like Storni, for her pedagogical commitments, while she engaged in national debates about the destiny of her country. Victoria Ocampo was born into the Argentine oligarchy, yet she also challenged tradition by setting an independent course for herself as editor, publisher, and memorialist.
The common thread that binds these writers is their perception of the inadequacies of the traditional spaces from which they were allowed to speak and act and their search for strategies that would relieve them of the burden of patriarchal tradition and fulfill the need for reform.
It is from this perspective, with its specific historical context, that we perceive these writers as cultural innovators. It was female schoolteachers drawn from different classes who formed the nucleus of the first women’s group to articulate what may be considered a feminist critique of society. That is, they were the first to protest against the pervasive inequality of the sexes in legal status, access to education, and political and economic power.
Two factors are of great importance. First, the teachers represented a new group in Latin American society—the educated middle sector—which included skilled workers, clerks, and government employees as well as educators, who were well aware of their precarious social economic and legal status.
Second, these women were in touch with one another through their institutions of learning and through professional associations, forums in which they could share their common experience. Many who lived in the most cosmopolitan centers of Latin America were aware of local issues and ideas, as well as national and international politics.
Furthermore, as the essays included here explore, it is this moment of self-conscious reassessment of roles that is crucial to our understanding of a new function of women writers in Latin America.
The first decades of the twentieth century were of great significance for changes in women’s status and political and cultural participation. The political and intellectual environment of the Western world in the first decades was volatile.
The Mexican Revolution, which broke out inwas the first great social revolution of the twentieth century, preceding both the Chinese Revolution and the Russian Revolution Moreover, cosmopolitan Latin Americans, especially South Americans, were closely attuned to European events, a factor that was intensified by the thousands of emigrating Italians, Spanish, Germans, and Greeks who settled in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay during the period.
In the s, the earlier immigrants were joined by thousands of Jews seeking refuge from the rising influence of National Socialism in Germany, Italy, Austria, Poland, and Romania. In that same decade, Mexico took in over thirty thousand refugees from the Spanish Civil War. The political movements that shook Europe were not far removed for readers of La Prensa in Buenos Aires, El Nacional in Mexico City, or La Lucha in Havana; those movements were present in the political spectrum of the major states of the hemisphere: Within the American community of nations, the hegemony of the United States in the Caribbean and Central America posed a new diplomatic configuration.
Criticism of United States policy was increasingly vociferous, and by the s the interventionism of the early years of the century gave way to a diplomacy of inter-American reconciliation.
While the Western Hemisphere was spared the devastation of the world war, numerous armed conflicts marked the era. In Mexico, the smoldering struggle between church and state erupted in the Cristero Rebellion — In South America, the dispute between Bolivia and Paraguay over control of the vast Chaco territory, a dispute that opened with a few armed skirmishes in the late s, flared into a bitter and bloody war in which nearlylives were lost and both countries nearly bankrupted before a truce was reached in The Great Depression had a profound effect on the export-oriented economies of Latin America and exacerbated political divisions.
One of the most significant political forces to emerge was the indigenista movement, especially in the Andean region. At the same time, the pressure to transform traditional structures to respond better to the needs of the rapidly changing society resulted in the passage of protective labor legislation, the revision of the civil codes that regulated spousal and parental rights in Mexico, Cuba, and Argentinaand the promulgation of new constitutions that incorporated labor laws and female suffrage in Brazil and Uruguay, However, the legislative reforms found weak adherence, owing to financial constraints and governmental indifference.
Women, whatever their economic and social milieu, continued to be at a disadvantage in securing and holding jobs for pay, in their familial relationships, and in the political arena.
Women intellectuals worked and fought side by side with men for independence in Cuba, for revolutionary change in Mexico, and for profound social reform in Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil.
But by the s the women activists shared a collective realization that issues of primary concern to them—economic, social, and legal equality—were considered secondary to the general movements for social and political change: The tension between women’s struggle to be included as equals and their alienation from the essential patriarchal structure of the nation-state had its analogue in the revised consideration of gender and women’s literary production in the era.
The first half of the century had special significance in Latin America both for the openings witnessed in the political arena and for the expansion of modern culture. It marked the consolidation of liberal reformist movements and the rise of an urban middle class.
At the same time, with the introduction of United States capital in Latin American cities, a new consciousness of the neighbor to the north permeated cultural life and found expression, on one hand, in the form of a growing Pan-Americanist movement and, on the other, in heated objections to the policies of Yankee expansionism.
Within the growing urban sectors of Latin America, where the work force was redefined, men and women for the first time worked together in the metropolitan city. In this period the gender system showed signs of flux and contradiction; the categories of masculine and feminine began to be redefined within the. In particular, the presence of women in the work force and in the cultural salons brought a heightened sense of urgency to the process of social reform.
Women thus struck alliances with the men of anarchosyndicalist, socialist, and even right-wing movements; they participated in political activities to alter the status of divorce laws; they organized suffragist movements and encouraged juridical recognition of women within the state.